“The nonstop news cycle will be crazy. You don’t have to be.”
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Pursuing God: studying, believing, obeying, observing, absorbing, proving and resembling Jesus Christ through God's manifest, living, active Word. In other words, intimately practice before publicly preaching - Matthew 5:13-16; 22:37; Col 3:14-17; 2 Tim 2:10-13, 15; 1 John 2
| "Jesus and John Wayne" by Kristin Kobes Du Mez |
July 16, 2021
When historian
Kristin Du Mez’s latest book, “Jesus
and John Wayne,” came out in the summer of 2020, it received little
attention from mainstream gatekeepers and reviewers.
But the book,
which explores evangelical fondness for former president Donald Trump and
strong masculine figures, has since sold more than 100,000 copies through word
of mouth, podcasts and book clubs. When it came out in paperback last month,
the book shot up to No. 4 among nonfiction paperbacks on the New
York Times bestseller list.
As journalists and
academics tried to explain how evangelicals could bring themselves to vote for
Trump, Du Mez argued that evangelical support was not a shocking aberration
from their views but a culmination of evangelicals’ long-standing embrace of
militant masculinity, presenting the man as protector and warrior.
“In 2016, many
observers were stunned at evangelicals’ apparent betrayal of their own values,”
Du Mez wrote. “In reality, evangelicals did not cast their vote despite their
beliefs, but because of them.”
The book also
described a pattern of abuse and its coverup by several mainstream evangelical
leaders, many of whom are still in leadership. Du Mez contended that
evangelical leaders’ emphasis on militant masculinity created a culture where
abuse was able to flourish and often kept secret, an argument that has both
caught fire and created controversy.
Du Mez, who
teaches at Calvin University in Grand Rapids, Mich., wrote that mainstream
evangelical leaders such as John Piper, James Dobson and John Eldredge,
preached a “mutually reinforcing vision of Christian masculinity — of
patriarchy and submission, sex and power.”
“The militant
Christian masculinity they practiced and preached did indelibly shape both
family and nation,” Du Mez wrote.
Piper, Dobson and
Eldredge did not return requests for comment.
Bible teacher Beth
Moore’s split with Southern Baptists has some women wondering whether to follow
her
Russell Moore, who
was the head of the Southern Baptist Convention’s policy arm until earlier this
year, said in an email that everywhere he goes someone asks him about the book.
Moore, now a
public theologian for Christianity Today magazine, said that many evangelicals
are trying to understand recent developments like Trump’s rise and revelations
of sexual abuse in evangelical spaces. Moore said that Du Mez has shown that
“much of what has passed for evangelicalism over the past decades was more John
Wayne than Jesus” and that some of the characters in her book who have been
portrayed by some as fringe turned out not to be fringe at all.
“ ‘Jesus and John
Wayne’ is not the whole picture, but it’s on target in enough places that we
should take seriously the mirror put to our faces to reform ourselves by the
gospel we believe,” Moore wrote in an email. “I don’t agree with this book on
everything, by any means, but there are key aspects that are necessary for us
to see, and that can help us make sense of some things.”
The book showed
how masculine pop-culture figures like John Wayne could influence the
evangelical imagination and shape the way people act and think, said Karen
Swallow Prior, who teaches English at Southeastern Baptist Theological
Seminary.
“Among my own
group of friends and peers, this is the book that they have been talking about
more than any other in recent years,” she said. “I can’t think of the last one
that people talked about this much.”
In his review for
the journal Church History: Studies in Christianity and Culture earlier this
year, Yale University historian Jon Butler called the book one of the most
important on modern evangelicalism in the past four decades. A review for the
Christian website Mere Orthodoxy said the book should be required reading for
evangelicals. Du Mez’s book also inspired a four-part episode for the popular
Holy Post podcast and was named book of the year last year by Englewood Review
of Books.
The book also has
its critics, including First Things magazine, the Council on Biblical Manhood
and Womanhood, and other reviewers for Mere Orthodoxy.
“Having announced
her thesis about militant Christian-nationalist, male-patriarchal supremacy,
she mines American history for classic deplorables,” Daniel Harrell wrote for
Christianity Today. “On the other hand are plenty of white evangelical men
canceled out for political acts never committed but only assumed and whose
patriotism gets distorted as nationalism simply because they’re white,
Christian, and male. As a political force they barely register compared to
Amazon, Facebook, and Hollywood.”
One of the more
frequent criticisms she receives is from the subtitle of her book: “How white
evangelicals corrupted a faith and fractured a nation.” Du Mez said that she
wanted to challenge White evangelicals to examine their core beliefs about
Jesus’s teachings to “turn the other cheek,” love your neighbor and love your
enemy.
“I wanted to make
clear that I wasn’t going to woo evangelicals or cater to evangelicals,” she
said. The Bible lists virtues like love, peace, kindness and
gentleness that Du Mez argues would contradict the model of militant
Christianity that leaders have held up.
Raised in a Dutch
immigrant community in Sioux Center, Iowa, Du Mez’s mother was a Dutch
immigrant and her father was a longtime Reformed theologian at Dordt University,
where in 2016 Trump famously told a crowd he could shoot someone in the
middle of New York’s Fifth Avenue and not lose supporters.
Du Mez said she
began working on the topic around 2005 when she started teaching at Calvin, a
Christian university rooted in the Reformed tradition of Protestantism. Du Mez
was teaching a class on U.S. history and lecturing on President Theodore
Roosevelt to show how American ideas about masculinity have changed over time
through economics, foreign policy and race.
Two male students
came up to her after class one day and suggested she read the book “Wild at
Heart,” by Colorado-based author John Eldredge, which has sold more than 4
million copies. She bought a copy and found “a particularly militant conception
of masculine Christianity that Roosevelt had been promoting.”
In the early years
of America’s war with Iraq, Du Mez considered how Eldredge’s vision of
masculinity promoted militaristic ideas about America as an empire. Du Mez said
she also reviewed data that showed White evangelicals were more likely to
condone the war in Iraq and the military’s use of torture.
“I was trying to
tease out: Is this mainstream or is this fringe?” she said in an interview. “As
a Christian scholar, I thought, is this what I should be doing? If this is
fringe, should I hold this up as though it’s mainstream?”
Newly
leaked letter details allegations that Southern Baptist leaders mishandled sex
abuse claims
Du Mez set the
topic aside for a few years but picked it up again in 2016 in the days after
the “Access Hollywood” tapes came out — in which Trump is heard making vulgar
comments about women — and many evangelical leaders came to Trump’s defense.
That’s when she decided what she had been working on wasn’t fringe.
Du Mez is a
longtime member of a Christian Reformed Church, part of a denomination under
the umbrella group called the National Association of Evangelicals. She was
influenced by cultural evangelicalism through popular Christian music and the
“purity culture” movement that encouraged sexual abstinence before marriage.
However, she wasn’t exposed to popular evangelical leaders like John Piper,
Wayne Grudem or Jerry Falwell Sr. until adulthood.
Her book,
published by a nonreligious publisher called Liveright, an imprint of
W.W. Norton & Co., found its way into the evangelical world through
powerful word-of-mouth networks. Du Mez’s editor Daniel Gerstle said “Jesus and
John Wayne” was the publisher’s “surprise hit” of 2020, selling over 300
hardcover copies every week in its first months of publication. The first jump
came in late December when the book began selling more than 900 copies a week.
Popular Bible teacher Beth Moore, Gerstle noted, has tweeted about the book,
describing it as the one she hopes evangelicals read in 2021.
While the book is
almost entirely focused on White evangelicals, Du Mez said she has received
feedback from a number of Black Christian leaders about it as well. John
Onwuchekwa, a Black pastor in Atlanta who left the Southern Baptist Convention
last summer, said he felt “vindicated” when he read the book because it seemed
to affirm his experiences and connected dots for him.
“The book was
refreshing because it wasn’t someone who [seemed] angry or vindictive,”
Onwuchekwa said. “There was a courage, a boldness, a matter-of-factness.”
Other books about
evangelicals, politics, gender and race that published in the past year include
“The
Making of Biblical Womanhood,” by Beth Allison Barr, “White
Too Long,” by Robert P. Jones, “White
Evangelical Racism,” by Anthea Butler, “American
Blindspot,” by Gerardo Marti, “God’s
Law and Order,” by Aaron Griffith and “Taking
America Back for God,” by Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry.
Du Mez said that
many “troubled” evangelicals who have read her book are going through a
“religious reckoning” where they’re grappling with what they have been taught
both culturally and theologically. However, she said she hasn’t seen much
change by many evangelical institutions.
Evangelical
leaders and institutions continue to promote their versions of masculinity.
This weekend in Dallas, thousands of evangelical men are expected to gather for
a conference called Promise Keepers that will include speakers who once sat on
Trump’s evangelical advisory council. Attendees are promised “biblical and
spiritual tools that will empower you to be the man Christ intended you to be.”
Source: https://www.washingtonpost.com/religion/2021/07/16/jesus-and-john-wayne-evangelicals-surprise-bestseller/
SEPTEMBER 28, 2021
by Jacob Murrie
What should older Christians know about Generation Z in order to best disciple them and reach them with the gospel? To be sure, this is a big topic, and I’m just one member of this generation (born between 1997–2012)—which is not a monolith. But it might be helpful to share a few aspects of contemporary evangelical culture that generally bother my generation.
The goal is not to
shame older Christians or suggest we young folks are enlightened. The goal is
to offer some fodder for discussion that might lead the generations to better
care for, think with, and serve alongside each other in a changing world.
To that end, here
are five things that tend to frustrate young evangelicals.
1. When
Partisan Politics Reshape Faith
In the past few
years, we have grown increasingly weary of the meshing of politics and the evangelical faith we often
see among older believers. This is not because we don’t value many of the same
causes; it’s that often our parents and grandparents will question our
Christian orthodoxy if we don’t align fully with their political affiliations.
When we shift slightly to the right or the left, our faith is often assumed to
be endangered.
It sometimes feels
as if older generations want us to “pick a king,” 1
Samuel 8:6–8 style. But many in my generation do not wish to be
identified as conservative or liberal, as much as they want to be identified as
Christlike. Because of this, many of us joined the 35 percent of people under 30 in voting independent in
the 2020 general election. This approach is sometimes considered “innocent” or
“naive,” but for many Gen Z Christians it’s the most reasonable and biblical
choice.
2. When Apologetics
Outweighs Relationships
Let me be
clear: Christian apologetics is important. It’s vital we
know why we believe what we believe, and why those beliefs are
reasonable. But many in Gen Z have seen apologetics weaponized against
nonbelievers. I left my private Christian school ready to duke it out with the
atheists of the world, assuming they would be hostile and seeking arguments
with me. But instead I found young adults who at worst thought Christianity was
weird, but more often were lonely and looking for meaningful relationships.
In many of my
friendships with nonbelievers, apologetics became a valuable tool after a
relational connection formed. I had thoughtful answers to tough questions, like
“If God is good, why does he allow evil?” But instead of these questions being
hurled at me by Professor Jeffery Radisson (God’s Not Dead), they were
asked in vulnerability by hurting or inquisitive peers. Should we still be
prepared to go toe to toe with Richard Dawkins if he wants to debate
Christianity? Absolutely. What we know shouldn’t change, but perhaps the tone
and timing of how we talk about it should.
3. When
Christians Don’t Live What They Believe
We felt this acutely
during the 2020 general election. We were faced with two presidential
candidates who, whether in character or policy, reflected decidedly immoral and
un-Christian values. For many of us, that was a dealbreaker. Yet many
Christians looked the other way or found ways to defend their favored
candidate. My generation is hyper-sensitive to hypocrisy, and we saw it all
around us. We are also sensitive to theological hypocrisy and selectively
applied doctrine.
Biblical sexual
ethics are cited to oppose same-sex marriage, but ignored on other matters like
divorce or cohabitation before marriage. The imago Dei is
correctly invoked to advocate against the cultural system of abortion, but not
to fight racism. We insist that sin can take structural forms and infect entire
societies, but we’re selective about which systemic sin issues we want to call
out. Many in Gen Z recognize that living faithfully requires applying Scripture
consistently, even if it conflicts with your political alignment.
4. When
Christians Are Known More for Judgment than Love
Judgment and love
are both part of God’s character. Grace and repentance are both part of the
gospel. Jesus responds to sinners in love, while also commanding us to “go and
sin no more” (John
8:11). But today, many Christians are more defined by judgment than love.
Of course, the culture around us has warped definitions of both. There are
biblical commands that appear judgmental to our culture, but are truly
loving. Challenging a brother or sister when they’re in sin may appear
judgmental but ultimately results in life for them—which is loving.
Our secular
culture’s distorted, small vision of love is actually an opportunity for us to
more robustly live out biblical grace and love, even as we don’t compromise on
truth and holiness. Accusations that Christianity is “too judgmental” should be
expected to some degree—the Bible’s moral demands will always come across that
way to some—but my generation’s hope is that a reputation of radical,
Christlike love would also define our faith and attract unbelievers—as it did in the early centuries of Christianity in
the Roman Empire.
5. When
Christians Aren’t Serious Thinkers
At a time when
careful, critical thinking is generally on the decline and intellectually lazy
behavior is on the rise, Christians sadly have a reputation for being among the
worst offenders. Evangelical Christians are particularly adept at avoiding expert advice they don’t like, all the while
participating, knowingly or unknowingly, in misinformation campaigns.
You probably have
a Christian aunt who regularly shares incredulous articles or conspiracy theories on social media, showing a reckless
willingness to believe dubious information without bothering to check facts.
This is just one byproduct of a larger trend we see that frustrates us: a
distrust of academia and intellectual life generally.
This is
frustrating not because academia is the ultimate truth, but because God is (Psalm 19:7). As
believers in the God of truth, Christians should be the most intellectually
vibrant. We have the resources to do that. While academicians are not
infallible, they do have expertise, and that should matter to Christians.
By downplaying rigorous scholarship, credentials, and expertise, Christians have retreated from the forefront of culture-shaping disciplines, are playing catch up, or in some cases are actively resisting these culture-shaping arenas. With Scripture as our solid foundation, Christians ought to be the most intellectually curious thinkers and culture-makers in the world. We should value learning and education—not for our glory, but for God’s.
Source: https://www.thegospelcoalition.org/article/things-frustrate-gen-z/
Original title: “Political Dealing: The Crisis of Evangelicalism”
Initial Publication April 20, 2018
…
This gathering is not an occasion
for celebration of evangelicalism, however. This gathering emerges instead from
worry, sorrow, anger, and bewilderment—whether we are Democrats or
Republicans. Christians in both parties
found the others’ candidate patently unacceptable, leading to fierce division.
Many felt cornered without a genuine choice when the issues represented are
complex and fear is justified. This is not the first or last time the body of
Christ has gathered in lament. When
evangelical leaders like us gather, it is often with a spirit of optimistic
hope, known for “pressing on” in the work of the gospel. For me, this is not a
time of pressing on. I feel a personal urgency to stop, to pray, to listen, to
confess, and to repent and want to call us to do the same.
Only the Spirit “who is in the world to convict us of sin and righteousness and judgment” (John 16:8) can bring us to clarity about the crisis we face. As I have sought that conviction, here is what I have come to believe: The central crisis facing us is that the gospel of Jesus Christ has been betrayed and shamed by an evangelicalism that has violated its own moral and spiritual integrity.
This is not a crisis imposed from outside the household of faith, but from within. The core of the crisis is not specifically about Trump, or Hillary, or Obama, or the electoral college, or Comey, or Mueller, or abortion, or LGBTQIA+ debates, or Supreme Court appointees. Instead the crisis is caused by the way a toxic evangelicalism has engaged with these issues in such a way as to turn the gospel into Good News that is fake. Now on public display is an indisputable collusion between prominent evangelicalism and many forms of insidious racist, misogynistic, materialistic, and political power. The wind and the rain and the floods have come, and, as Jesus said, they will reveal our foundation. In this moment for evangelicalism, what the storms have exposed is a foundation not of solid rock but of sand.
This is not a crisis taking place at the level of language. This is not about who owns or defines the term “evangelical,” and whether one does—or does not—choose to identify as such. It is legitimate and important to debate if and how the term “evangelical” can currently be used in the United States to mean anything more than white, theologically and politically conservative. But that is not itself the crisis. The crisis is not at the level of our lexicon, but of our lives and a failure to embody the gospel we preach. We may debate whether the word “evangelical” can or should be redeemed. But what we must deal with is the current bankruptcy many associate with evangelical life.
This is not a crisis unfolding at the level of group allegiance, denomination, or affiliation. The varied reality that is American evangelicalism is evidenced in this room. We have no formal hierarchy, leadership, or structure and form no single organization, but are sorted and divided today as we have been—for better and worse—for much of our history. Some might wish for a clearer distinction between those who call themselves fundamentalist and those who call themselves evangelical. We might look to varying traditions or geographies to explain our division. These distinctions matter but can easily devolve into scapegoating or blaming, diverting us from our vocation as witness to God’s love for a multifaceted world.
This is not a recent crisis but a historic one. We face a haunting specter with a shadow that reaches back further than the 2016 election—a history that helps define the depth of the sorrow, fear, anger, anxiety, and injustice around us. Today’s egregious collusion between evangelicals and worldly power is problematic enough: more painful and revealing is that such collusion has been our historic habit. Today’s collusion bears astonishing—and tragic—continuity with the past.
Right alongside the rich history of gospel faithfulness that evangelicalism has affirmed, there lies a destructive complicity with dominant cultural and racial power. Despite deep gospel confidence and rhetoric, evangelicalism has been long-wedded to a devastating social self-interest that defends the dominant culture over and against that of the gospel’s command to love the “other” as ourselves. We are not naïve in our doctrine of sin that prefers self over all, but we have failed to recognize our own guilt in it.
Our professed trust in Jesus has not led evangelicals to die to ourselves, but often to justify our own self-assertion—even when that means complicity in the suffering and death of others. The scandal associated today with the evangelical gospel is not the scandal of the Cross of Christ, crucified for the salvation of the world. Rather it is the scandal of our own arrogance, unconfessed before the Cross, revealing a hypocritical superiority that we dare to associate with the God who died to save the weak and the lost.
In order to be concrete about this, let me choose what I believe to be the top four arenas in which this violation of spiritual and moral character has shown itself:
First is the issue of power.
Our primary confession that “Jesus is Lord” is a statement about power. “The gospel is the power of God unto salvation, to the Jew first and also to the Greek” (Rom 1:16). This is our hope and confidence, and as those who seek to live in the kingdom of God, we profess that Jesus is Lord and all other power must be reframed in light of this reality. The Apostle Paul says it this way: “Let the same mind be in you that was in Christ Jesus, who, though he was in the form of God, did not regard equality with God as something to be exploited, but emptied himself, taking the form of a slave, being born in human likeness. And being found in human form, he humbled himself and became obedient to the point of death—even death on a cross” (Phil 2:5–8).
In much of the last century,
American evangelicalism has had a complex relationship with power. On one hand, it has felt itself marginalized
and repudiated, defeated and silenced. On the other, it has often seemed to
seek—even fawn over—worldly power, mimicking in the church forms of power
evident in our culture. (I remember being at a conference where it was
announced we should all be back after dinner for “an evening of star-studded
worship.”) An evangelical dance with political power has been going on from the
time of Billy Graham, through the Moral Majority and the religious right, to
the Tea Party, and most recently with the white evangelical vote—the result
being, as honorary Chairman of the Lausanne Movement Doug Birdsall has said,
“When you Google ‘evangelical,’ you get Trump.”
This points to an evangelical crisis over so many issues of power: racial, political, economic, cultural, right against left, Republican against Democrat, rich against poor, white against black, men against women, and so on. But winning power was the goal of Judas, not Jesus. A Faustian pact between evangelicals and power—even when claimed on behalf of the kingdom—cannot be entered in the name of Jesus Christ without betraying the abdication of power inherent in the incarnation. “For God so loved the world that he gave his only begotten son . . . .” (John 3:16)
Abuse of power is central in the national debates of the moment. Whether we think about US militarism, or mass incarceration, or the #MeToo movement (or mistreatment of women in general), or the police shootings of unarmed, young, black men, or the actions of ICE toward child and adult immigrants, or gun use and control, or tax policy—all this is about power. The apparent evangelical alignment with the use of power that seeks dominance, control, supremacy, and victory over compassion and justice associates Jesus with the strategies of Caesar, not with the good news of the gospel.
Second is the issue of race.
Those of us who are white evangelicals must acknowledge that our story is intertwined with, and often responsible for, much of the violence and oppression around racial injustice in our American story. The stories of Native American, African American, Latino/a, or Asian peoples in the history of the United States cannot be told truthfully without naming the role of white evangelicals who testified to a God of redemption but whose theological, political, social, and economic choices contributed to suffering and injustice. Stories of devastation are often absent from a happier white evangelical narrative of promised-land life, or buried in a sanitized story that claims that past injustice is not relevant for people of color today—despite the fact that nearly all people of color experience racism and its implications every day around the nation, including those in this room today.
This unreckoned-with reality of white evangelical racism permeates American life, and its tinderbox was lit on fire by the rhetoric of our national life in recent years—whether in reference to Ferguson, or Charlottesville, or “shithole countries” deemed without value. White history narrates the story of America’s heroes, and white evangelical history views those “good guys” as the providence of a good and faithful God. When some white evangelicals triumphantly pronounce that we now have “the best president the religious right ever had,” the crisis it underscores to millions of people of color is not an indictment of our President as much as it is an indictment of white evangelicalism and a racist gospel.
Third is the issue of nationalism.
One of Israel’s particular temptations was to suppose that because the God of Israel was great, the people of Israel must be great, too. No wonder God needed to remind them, “It was not because you were more in number than any other people that the LORD set his love on you and chose you, for you were the fewest of all peoples . . .” (Deut 7:7). In the greatness of the God of Israel we are reminded of a national life to be centered not in its own greatness, or as the right of its people, but fixed in gratitude and faithfulness and humility before God and, from the New Testament, in service to the God who gave his Son out of love for the world.
By dramatic contrast, nationalism gives pride of place to ourselves, to regional or national assertions of primacy and the quest for power and success, control and dominance, legitimizing violence and pressing for victory. Nationalism reveals that we have mis-ordered worship. Religiously motivated nationalism simply turns God into our “godling,” a deity subject to our bidding.
In the complex world of global politics and economics, religion and militarism, markets and globalization, nationhood is part of the shifting landscape of human powers and forces. In a Christian hierarchy of kingdom values, nationhood has a legitimate place, but not a central or a top-tier one—and never one that displaces the authority of God.
For white evangelicals to embrace a platform and advocacy that promotes, prioritizes, and defends America above all and over all is to embrace an idolatry that has only ever proven disastrous. Respect for nationhood, including borders and immigration, the rule of law, both internally and among the field of nations, are surely legitimate and defensible values. However, identification with the use of demeaning rhetoric toward other nations, not least nations of color that are facing the challenges of poverty and war, is not only confusing but violating to the dignity, value, and truth of the gospel. It is, as well, violating to the people we otherwise claim to see, serve, join, and love—nations to which, ironically, American evangelicals annually send millions of dollars for mission and evangelism. A legitimate debate about immigration laws and practices is surely necessary, as difficult as it may be. But that debate is distorted if it begins with nationalistic assumptions.
The current administration’s rhetoric may be odious, pejorative, and totalizing against our international neighbors—yet we, too, demonstrate a gospel of fake good news when we ignore any needs or concerns that threaten our self-interests. In a pluralistic population, debates over such things as immigration policy are legitimate and bound to be contentious. But when it seems that white evangelicals endorse self-interest through political speech that is nationalistic and demeaning to others, our central commitments do not reflect Jesus Christ, but rather a cold, white heart.
The people of God are to follow an enemy-loving God, as exemplified by the life of Jesus. This is part of the call to our new and peculiar life. This is not meant to dictate national foreign policy, but to hold the people of God to a more severe and demanding standard, calling on our conscience when it comes to foreign policy in relation to the citizens of foreign, militarized, even violent states who are equally loved by God.
Fourth is the issue of economics.
It is very hard to read the Bible and ignore God’s heart for the poor and the vulnerable. Built into the faithfulness to which Israel is called are boundaries on personal wealth, stewardship for the common good, and relief and provision for the poor, the alien, and the widow. Long before free market capitalism had developed, the God of Israel, the God revealed in Jesus Christ, was shown to bend toward mercy, with justice for the poor. It was one of Israel’s most distinctive priorities and practices.
The life of Jesus underscores these themes throughout his public ministry. The dangers of power and greed, stoked by the biases of money and wealth, distort our lives. The faithfulness of Christians in our economic and social vision and practice are to be reflective of God who reorders all these to the purposes of the kingdom. The social practices of the church are to demonstrate the presence of God as light and salt in an otherwise dark and savorless world.
American evangelicals have often divided over the significance of life this side of eternity, sometimes understanding the eschaton in ways that marginalize the significance of economics or race. Yet the gracious magnanimity of God’s heart should be visible by the same magnanimity and grace we taste at the shared table and that is demonstrated toward our neighbor.
When white evangelicals in prominent and wealthy places speak about what is fair and beneficial for society, but then pass laws and tax changes that create more national indebtedness and elevate the top 1% even higher—while cutting services and provisions for children, the disabled, and the poor that are castigated as disgusting “entitlements”—one has to ask how this is reconciled with being followers of Jesus. The complexities of social support for the vulnerable in our society certainly can and should be debated, but when the instigators of change are serving elite interests and disregarding the 99%, it is very hard to recognize the influence of the gospel narrative on compassion, let alone justice.
Still Evangelical or Yet Evangelical?
Absorbing all this, I am forced to kneel in confession, with trust that “the One who has begun a good work in us will bring it to completion in the day of Jesus Christ” (Phil 1:6). Though I would like to think all this has little to do with me or with my evangelical point of view, I know I am among the guilty. The condemnation of a gospel life poorly lived sticks to me closer than I can see or know. It has significant implications for what it means to be president of an esteemed evangelical theological seminary—one that is highly racially diverse and yet predominantly white-cultured (not least at the senior levels of leadership); that has 70 countries represented in its student body but is still too Western-oriented; that strongly affirms women in ministry and leadership yet falls short in empowering their voices.
What brings me hope is something recorded at the end of the gospel of Matthew. Matthew 28 contains the great commission and clarion call of our evangelical identity, but often less noted is the sentence just before the commission itself. The text simply says, “Now the eleven disciples went to Galilee, to the mountain to which Jesus had directed them. When they saw him, they worshiped him; but some doubted.” It was to fewer than the full 12, and to these not-so-sure believer/doubters, that Jesus gave the Great Commission anyway. From the start, he called believer/doubters to the task, so perhaps he can also still use American evangelicals as well. Rather than take a defensive posture, may we open ourselves to the repentant and hopeful posture that God will make us yet truly adherents to the “evangel” at the heart of our association. The evangelical mission is God’s from start to finish.
The Lord Jesus Christ gathers us here for real work. May it be a work of grace that moves us to repentance, leading to personal and systemic change. May it move us deeper into the life and heart of God.
Source: https://www.fuller.edu/posts/political-dealing-the-crisis-of-evangelicalism/