Original title: “Political
Dealing: The Crisis of Evangelicalism”
Initial Publication April 20, 2018
“Let the same mind be in you
that was in Christ Jesus, who, though he was in the form of God, did not regard
equality with God as something to be exploited, but emptied himself, taking the
form of a slave, being born in human likeness. And being found in human form,
he humbled himself and became obedient to the point of death—even death on a
cross.” (Phil 2:5–8)
This was speech was given by
Fuller Seminary President Dr. Mark Labberton at a private meeting of
evangelical leaders held at Wheaton College in Chicago, Illinois, on April 16,
2018. The following has been edited from his notes for clarity and to give
context to excerpts that have been disseminated elsewhere.
…
This gathering is not an occasion
for celebration of evangelicalism, however. This gathering emerges instead from
worry, sorrow, anger, and bewilderment—whether we are Democrats or
Republicans. Christians in both parties
found the others’ candidate patently unacceptable, leading to fierce division.
Many felt cornered without a genuine choice when the issues represented are
complex and fear is justified. This is not the first or last time the body of
Christ has gathered in lament. When
evangelical leaders like us gather, it is often with a spirit of optimistic
hope, known for “pressing on” in the work of the gospel. For me, this is not a
time of pressing on. I feel a personal urgency to stop, to pray, to listen, to
confess, and to repent and want to call us to do the same.
Only the Spirit “who is in the
world to convict us of sin and righteousness and judgment” (John 16:8) can bring
us to clarity about the crisis we face.
As I have sought that conviction, here is what I have come to believe:
The central crisis facing us is that the gospel of Jesus Christ has been
betrayed and shamed by an evangelicalism that has violated its own moral and
spiritual integrity.
This is not a crisis imposed from
outside the household of faith, but from within. The core of the crisis is not specifically
about Trump, or Hillary, or Obama, or the electoral college, or Comey, or
Mueller, or abortion, or LGBTQIA+ debates, or Supreme Court appointees. Instead
the crisis is caused by the way a toxic evangelicalism has engaged with these
issues in such a way as to turn the gospel into Good News that is fake. Now on
public display is an indisputable collusion between prominent evangelicalism
and many forms of insidious racist, misogynistic, materialistic, and political
power. The wind and the rain and the floods have come, and, as Jesus said, they
will reveal our foundation. In this
moment for evangelicalism, what the storms have exposed is a foundation not of
solid rock but of sand.
This is not a crisis taking place
at the level of language. This is not about who owns or defines the term
“evangelical,” and whether one does—or does not—choose to identify as such. It is legitimate and important to debate if
and how the term “evangelical” can currently be used in the United States to
mean anything more than white, theologically and politically conservative. But
that is not itself the crisis. The crisis is not at the level of our lexicon,
but of our lives and a failure to embody the gospel we preach. We may debate whether the word “evangelical”
can or should be redeemed. But what we must deal with is the current bankruptcy
many associate with evangelical life.
This is not a crisis unfolding at
the level of group allegiance, denomination, or affiliation. The varied reality that is American
evangelicalism is evidenced in this room.
We have no formal hierarchy, leadership, or structure and form no single
organization, but are sorted and divided today as we have been—for better and
worse—for much of our history. Some
might wish for a clearer distinction between those who call themselves
fundamentalist and those who call themselves evangelical. We might look to varying
traditions or geographies to explain our division. These distinctions matter
but can easily devolve into scapegoating or blaming, diverting us from our
vocation as witness to God’s love for a multifaceted world.
This is not a recent crisis but a
historic one. We face a haunting specter
with a shadow that reaches back further than the 2016 election—a history that
helps define the depth of the sorrow, fear, anger, anxiety, and injustice
around us. Today’s egregious collusion between evangelicals and worldly power
is problematic enough: more painful and revealing is that such collusion has
been our historic habit. Today’s collusion bears astonishing—and
tragic—continuity with the past.
Right alongside the rich history
of gospel faithfulness that evangelicalism has affirmed, there lies a
destructive complicity with dominant cultural and racial power. Despite deep
gospel confidence and rhetoric, evangelicalism has been long-wedded to a
devastating social self-interest that defends the dominant culture over and
against that of the gospel’s command to love the “other” as ourselves. We are not naïve in our doctrine of sin that
prefers self over all, but we have failed to recognize our own guilt in it.
Our professed trust in Jesus has
not led evangelicals to die to ourselves, but often to justify our own
self-assertion—even when that means complicity in the suffering and death of
others. The scandal associated today with the evangelical gospel is not the
scandal of the Cross of Christ, crucified for the salvation of the world. Rather it is the scandal of our own
arrogance, unconfessed before the Cross, revealing a hypocritical superiority
that we dare to associate with the God who died to save the weak and the lost.
In order to be concrete about
this, let me choose what I believe to be the top four arenas in which this
violation of spiritual and moral character has shown itself:
First is the issue of
power.
Our primary confession that “Jesus
is Lord” is a statement about power.
“The gospel is the power of God unto salvation, to the Jew first and
also to the Greek” (Rom 1:16). This is
our hope and confidence, and as those who seek to live in the kingdom of God,
we profess that Jesus is Lord and all other power must be reframed in light of
this reality. The Apostle Paul says it this way: “Let the same mind be in you that was in
Christ Jesus, who, though he was in the form of God, did not regard equality
with God as something to be exploited, but emptied himself, taking the form of
a slave, being born in human likeness. And being found in human form, he
humbled himself and became obedient to the point of death—even death on a
cross” (Phil 2:5–8).
In much of the last century,
American evangelicalism has had a complex relationship with power. On one hand, it has felt itself marginalized
and repudiated, defeated and silenced. On the other, it has often seemed to
seek—even fawn over—worldly power, mimicking in the church forms of power
evident in our culture. (I remember being at a conference where it was
announced we should all be back after dinner for “an evening of star-studded
worship.”) An evangelical dance with political power has been going on from the
time of Billy Graham, through the Moral Majority and the religious right, to
the Tea Party, and most recently with the white evangelical vote—the result
being, as honorary Chairman of the Lausanne Movement Doug Birdsall has said,
“When you Google ‘evangelical,’ you get Trump.”
This points to an evangelical
crisis over so many issues of power: racial, political, economic, cultural,
right against left, Republican against Democrat, rich against poor, white
against black, men against women, and so on. But winning power was the goal of
Judas, not Jesus. A Faustian pact between evangelicals and power—even when
claimed on behalf of the kingdom—cannot be entered in the name of Jesus Christ
without betraying the abdication of power inherent in the incarnation. “For God
so loved the world that he gave his only begotten son . . . .” (John 3:16)
Abuse of power is central in the
national debates of the moment. Whether
we think about US militarism, or mass incarceration, or the #MeToo movement (or
mistreatment of women in general), or the police shootings of unarmed, young,
black men, or the actions of ICE toward child and adult immigrants, or gun use
and control, or tax policy—all this is about power. The apparent evangelical alignment with the
use of power that seeks dominance, control, supremacy, and victory over
compassion and justice associates Jesus with the strategies of Caesar, not with
the good news of the gospel.
Second is the issue of race.
The Bible knows all people to be
fully human, fearfully and wonderfully made in God’s image, knit together in
our mother’s womb. All have sinned and fallen short of the glory of God, not
just those who arrive as poor, hard-working immigrants fleeing violence or
those wasting away in private prisons.
All are dead and in Christ made alive, and the evidence of the
resurrection is that the peculiar body of God’s people, a new humanity of Jew
and Greek, slave and free, male and female, are to be the evidence of a
resurrected God. This is the glory of creation and new creation.
Those of us who are white
evangelicals must acknowledge that our story is intertwined with, and often
responsible for, much of the violence and oppression around racial injustice in
our American story. The stories of
Native American, African American, Latino/a, or Asian peoples in the history of
the United States cannot be told truthfully without naming the role of white
evangelicals who testified to a God of redemption but whose theological,
political, social, and economic choices contributed to suffering and
injustice. Stories of devastation are
often absent from a happier white evangelical narrative of promised-land life,
or buried in a sanitized story that claims that past injustice is not relevant
for people of color today—despite the fact that nearly all people of color
experience racism and its implications every day around the nation, including
those in this room today.
This unreckoned-with reality of
white evangelical racism permeates American life, and its tinderbox was lit on
fire by the rhetoric of our national life in recent years—whether in reference
to Ferguson, or Charlottesville, or “shithole countries” deemed without value.
White history narrates the story of America’s heroes, and white evangelical
history views those “good guys” as the providence of a good and faithful God. When some white evangelicals triumphantly
pronounce that we now have “the best president the religious right ever had,”
the crisis it underscores to millions of people of color is not an indictment
of our President as much as it is an indictment of white evangelicalism and a
racist gospel.
Third is the issue of
nationalism.
One of Israel’s particular
temptations was to suppose that because the God of Israel was great, the people
of Israel must be great, too. No wonder
God needed to remind them, “It was not because you were more in number than any
other people that the LORD set his love on you and chose you, for you were the
fewest of all peoples . . .” (Deut 7:7).
In the greatness of the God of Israel we are reminded of a national life
to be centered not in its own greatness, or as the right of its people, but
fixed in gratitude and faithfulness and humility before God and, from the New
Testament, in service to the God who gave his Son out of love for the world.
By dramatic contrast, nationalism
gives pride of place to ourselves, to regional or national assertions of
primacy and the quest for power and success, control and dominance,
legitimizing violence and pressing for victory.
Nationalism reveals that we have mis-ordered worship. Religiously
motivated nationalism simply turns God into our “godling,” a deity subject to
our bidding.
In the complex world of global
politics and economics, religion and militarism, markets and globalization,
nationhood is part of the shifting landscape of human powers and forces. In a Christian hierarchy of kingdom values,
nationhood has a legitimate place, but not a central or a top-tier one—and
never one that displaces the authority of God.
For white evangelicals to embrace
a platform and advocacy that promotes, prioritizes, and defends America above
all and over all is to embrace an idolatry that has only ever proven
disastrous. Respect for nationhood,
including borders and immigration, the rule of law, both internally and among
the field of nations, are surely legitimate and defensible values. However,
identification with the use of demeaning rhetoric toward other nations, not
least nations of color that are facing the challenges of poverty and war, is
not only confusing but violating to the dignity, value, and truth of the
gospel. It is, as well, violating to the people we otherwise claim to see,
serve, join, and love—nations to which, ironically, American evangelicals
annually send millions of dollars for mission and evangelism. A legitimate debate about immigration laws
and practices is surely necessary, as difficult as it may be. But that debate
is distorted if it begins with nationalistic assumptions.
The current administration’s
rhetoric may be odious, pejorative, and totalizing against our international
neighbors—yet we, too, demonstrate a gospel of fake good news when we ignore
any needs or concerns that threaten our self-interests. In a pluralistic population, debates over
such things as immigration policy are legitimate and bound to be contentious.
But when it seems that white evangelicals endorse self-interest through
political speech that is nationalistic and demeaning to others, our central
commitments do not reflect Jesus Christ, but rather a cold, white heart.
The people of God are to follow an
enemy-loving God, as exemplified by the life of Jesus. This is part of the call to our new and
peculiar life. This is not meant to dictate national foreign policy, but to
hold the people of God to a more severe and demanding standard, calling on our
conscience when it comes to foreign policy in relation to the citizens of
foreign, militarized, even violent states who are equally loved by God.
Fourth is the issue of
economics.
It is very hard to read the Bible
and ignore God’s heart for the poor and the vulnerable. Built into the faithfulness to which Israel
is called are boundaries on personal wealth, stewardship for the common good,
and relief and provision for the poor, the alien, and the widow. Long before free market capitalism had
developed, the God of Israel, the God revealed in Jesus Christ, was shown to
bend toward mercy, with justice for the poor. It was one of Israel’s most
distinctive priorities and practices.
The life of Jesus underscores
these themes throughout his public ministry. The dangers of power and greed,
stoked by the biases of money and wealth, distort our lives. The faithfulness of Christians in our
economic and social vision and practice are to be reflective of God who
reorders all these to the purposes of the kingdom. The social practices of the
church are to demonstrate the presence of God as light and salt in an otherwise
dark and savorless world.
American evangelicals have often
divided over the significance of life this side of eternity, sometimes
understanding the eschaton in ways that marginalize the significance of
economics or race. Yet the gracious
magnanimity of God’s heart should be visible by the same magnanimity and grace
we taste at the shared table and that is demonstrated toward our neighbor.
When white evangelicals in
prominent and wealthy places speak about what is fair and beneficial for
society, but then pass laws and tax changes that create more national
indebtedness and elevate the top 1% even higher—while cutting services and
provisions for children, the disabled, and the poor that are castigated as
disgusting “entitlements”—one has to ask how this is reconciled with being
followers of Jesus. The complexities of
social support for the vulnerable in our society certainly can and should be
debated, but when the instigators of change are serving elite interests and
disregarding the 99%, it is very hard to recognize the influence of the gospel
narrative on compassion, let alone justice.
Still Evangelical or Yet
Evangelical?
Absorbing all this, I am forced to
kneel in confession, with trust that “the One who has begun a good work in us
will bring it to completion in the day of Jesus Christ” (Phil 1:6). Though I would like to think all this has
little to do with me or with my evangelical point of view, I know I am among
the guilty. The condemnation of a gospel life poorly lived sticks to me closer
than I can see or know. It has significant implications for what it means to be
president of an esteemed evangelical theological seminary—one that is highly
racially diverse and yet predominantly white-cultured (not least at the senior
levels of leadership); that has 70 countries represented in its student body
but is still too Western-oriented; that strongly affirms women in ministry and
leadership yet falls short in empowering their voices.
What brings me hope is something
recorded at the end of the gospel of Matthew.
Matthew 28 contains the great commission and clarion call of our
evangelical identity, but often less noted is the sentence just before the
commission itself. The text simply says, “Now the eleven disciples went to
Galilee, to the mountain to which Jesus had directed them. When they saw him,
they worshiped him; but some doubted.” It was to fewer than the full 12, and to
these not-so-sure believer/doubters, that Jesus gave the Great Commission
anyway. From the start, he called believer/doubters
to the task, so perhaps he can also still use American evangelicals as well.
Rather than take a defensive posture, may we open ourselves to the repentant
and hopeful posture that God will make us yet truly adherents to the “evangel”
at the heart of our association. The evangelical mission is God’s from start to
finish.
The Lord Jesus Christ gathers us
here for real work. May it be a work of
grace that moves us to repentance, leading to personal and systemic
change. May it move us deeper into the
life and heart of God.
Source: https://www.fuller.edu/posts/political-dealing-the-crisis-of-evangelicalism/